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‘I’ll make sure that gets through to the highest levels,’ Kai said.

That meant nothing, but Neil seemed satisfied to have delivered the message. He changed the subject. ‘How is the lovely Ting?’

‘Pretty good, thank you.’ Neil was one of the millions of men who found Ting devastatingly attractive. Kai was used to it. ‘Have you found an apartment yet?’

‘Yes – at last.’

‘Good.’ Kai knew that Neil had been looking for a better place to live. He also knew that Neil had found one and moved in, and he knew the address and phone number. He also knew the identities and backgrounds of all the other residents of the building. The Guoanbu kept close track of foreign agents in Beijing, especially the American ones.

Kai paid for the breakfast and the two men left the restaurant. Neil headed for the embassy, walking, and Kai hailed a cab.

***

North Korea’s demand for emergency aid was discussed at a small high-powered meeting called by the International Department of the Chinese Communist Party. The department’s headquarters, at No. 4 Fuxing Road in Haidian District, was smaller and less impressive than the Foreign Ministry, but more powerful. The Director’s office overlooked the Military Museum of the Chinese People’s Revolution, which had a giant red star on its roof.

Kai’s boss, Minister of State Security Fu Chuyu, took Kai with him. Kai guessed that Fu would have preferred to leave Kai behind, but did not have at his fingertips all the facts about the crisis in North Korea, and was afraid of looking foolish. This way he could call on Kai for any details – and blame Kai for any gaps.

All those at the table were men, although some of the aides sitting around the walls were women. Kai thought the Chinese governing elite needed more women. His father thought the opposite.

The Director, Hu Aiguo, asked Foreign Minister Wu Bai to outline the problem they had gathered to discuss.

‘There is an economic crisis in North Korea,’ Wu began.

‘As usual.’ The comment came from Kong Zhao, a friend and political ally of Kai’s. It was mildly disrespectful to interrupt the foreign minister like this, but Kong could get away with it. In a brilliant military career he had completely modernized the army’s communications technology, and now he was National Defence Minister.

Wu ignored him and went on: ‘The government in Pyongyang has asked for massive aid.’

‘As usual,’ Kong said again.

Kong was the same age as Kai, but he looked younger; in fact, he looked like a precocious student, with his carefully disarranged hair style and his cheeky grin. In Chinese politics most people were careful to look conservative – as Kai was – but Kong allowed his appearance to advertise his liberal attitudes. Kai liked his nerve.

Wu said: ‘The demand arrived late yesterday, though I knew it was coming, thanks to advance intelligence from the Guoanbu.’ He looked at Fu Chuyu, who bowed his head in acknowledgement of the compliment, happy to take the credit for Kai’s work.

Wu said in conclusion: ‘The message comes from Supreme Leader Kang U-jung to our president, Chen Haoran, and it is our task today to advise President Chen on his response.’

Kai had thought in advance about this meeting and he knew how the discussion would go. There would be a clash between the Communist old guard on the one hand and the progressive element on the other. That much was predictable. The question was how the conflict would be resolved. Kai had a plan for that.

Kong Zhao spoke first. ‘With your permission, director,’ he began, perhaps compensating for his earlier disrespectful attitude; and Hu nodded. Kong said: ‘In the past year or more the North Koreans have blatantly defied the Chinese government. They have mischievously provoked the South Korean regime in Seoul with minor incursions into their territory, both on land and at sea. Worse, they have continued to stir up international hostility by testing long-range missiles and nuclear warheads. This led to the United Nations imposing trade sanctions on North Korea –’ he held a finger up for emphasis – ‘those sanctions being one of the principal reasons for their continued economic crises!’

Kai nodded agreement. Everything Kong said was true. The Supreme Leader was the author of his own problems.

Kong went on: ‘Our protests have been ignored in Pyongyang. We must now punish the North Koreans for defying us. If we do not, what conclusion will they draw? They will think they can continue their nuclear programme, and thumb their noses at UN sanctions, because Beijing will always step in and save them from the consequences of their actions.’

Hu said: ‘Thank you, Kong, for those characteristically trenchant comments.’ Across the table from Kong, General Huang Ling was drumming his blunt fingers on the polished woodwork, desperately impatient to speak. Hu noticed and said: ‘General Huang.’

Huang was a friend of Fu Chuyu and of Kai’s father, Chang Jianjun. All three were members of the powerful National Security Commission, and shared a hawkish view of international affairs. ‘Allow me to make a few points,’ Huang said. His voice was an aggressive growl, and he spoke Mandarin with a harsh Northern Chinese accent. ‘One: North Korea forms a vital buffer zone between China and American-dominated South Korea. Two: If we refuse aid to Pyongyang, the government there will collapse. Three: There will immediately be an international demand for so-called “reunification” of North and South Korea. Four: Reunification is a euphemism for takeover by the capitalist West – remember what happened to East Germany! Five: China will end up with its implacable enemy on its border. Six: This is part of the Americans’ long-term encirclement plan whose ultimate aim is to destroy the People’s Republic of China the way they destroyed the Soviet Union. I conclude that we cannot refuse aid to North Korea. Thank you, director.’

Hu Aiguo looked faintly baffled. ‘Both of these perspectives make a good deal of sense,’ he said. ‘Yet they contradict one another directly.’

Kai said: ‘Director, if I may, I do not have the experience or wisdom of my older colleagues around the table, but it so happens that I debriefed a high-level North Korean source just the day before yesterday.’

‘Go ahead, please,’ said Hu.

‘North Korea has six weeks’ supply of food and other essentials. When that runs out, there will be mass starvation and social breakdown – not forgetting the danger of millions of starving Koreans walking across the border and throwing themselves on our mercy.’

Huang said: ‘So we should send them aid!’

‘But we also would like to punish their bad behaviour by withholding our help.’