Page 234 of Never

President Chen came out of the palace warmly dressed with gloves and a knitted cap. He was followed by an aide and a guard. He immediately set off at a brisk walk. The others joined him, Jianjun throwing away his cigarette. They headed around the lake clockwise.

The president began formally. ‘Chang Jianjun, as vice-chairman of the National Security Commission, what is your assessment of the war in Korea?’

‘The south is winning,’ Jianjun said without hesitation. ‘They have more weapons, and their missiles are more accurate.’ He spoke in the clipped manner of an army briefing, just the facts, one, two and three, no frills.

Chen said: ‘How long can North Korea hold out?’

‘They will run out of missiles in a few days at most.’

‘But we are resupplying them.’

‘As fast as we can. Undoubtedly, the Americans are doing the same for the south. But neither of us can keep this up indefinitely.’

‘So what will happen?’

‘The south may invade.’

The president turned to Kai. ‘With American help?’

Kai said: ‘The White House will not send American troops into the north. But they will not need to. The South Korean army can win without them.’

Jianjun said: ‘And then the whole of Korea will be ruled by the regime in Seoul – which means by the United States.’

Kai was not sure the last part was true anymore, but this was not the time to have that argument.

Chen said: ‘Recommendations for action?’

Jianjun was emphatic. ‘We have to intervene. It’s the only way to prevent Korea becoming an American colony – on our doorstep.’

Intervention was what Kai was afraid of. But before he could say so, Kong Zhao spoke. ‘I disagree,’ Kong said, not waiting for the president to ask him.

Jianjun looked angry at being contradicted.

‘Go ahead, Kong,’ said Chen mildly. ‘Tell us why.’

Kong ran a hand through his already messy hairstyle. ‘If we intervene, we give the Americans the right to do the same.’ He spoke in the reasonable tones of a philosophical discussion, in sharp contrast to Jianjun’s bullets of fact. ‘The important question is not how to save North Korea. It’s how to prevent war with the US.’

General Huang shook his head vigorously in negation. ‘The Americans don’t want war with us any more than we do,’ he asserted. ‘As long as our forces do not cross the border into South Korea, they will stay put.’

‘You don’t know that.’ Kong shrugged. ‘No one knows for sure what the US will do. I’m asking whether we can take the risk of a superpower war.’

‘Life is risk,’ Huang growled.

‘And politics is the avoidance of risk,’ Kong countered.

Kai decided it was time for him to speak. ‘May I make a suggestion?’

‘Of course,’ said Chen. He smiled at Jianjun. ‘Your son’s suggestions are often useful.’

Jianjun did not really agree. He bowed his head in acknowledgement of the compliment, but said nothing.

Kai said: ‘There is one thing we could try before sending Chinese troops into North Korea. We could propose a reconciliation between the Supreme Leader in Pyongyang and the ultras based in Yeongjeo-dong.’

Chen nodded. ‘If the regime and the rebels could be reconciled, the missing half of North Korea’s army could be deployed.’

Jianjun looked thoughtful. ‘And the nuclear weapons.’

That was a problem. Kai added hastily: ‘The nuclear weapons don’t have to be used. The mere fact that they became available to the government in Pyongyang should be enough to bring the South Koreans to the negotiating table.’